Из статьи М. Баурманна "Adolescence, Sexuality, and the Criminal Law: The Perspective of Criminology" 2004 г. (в кн.)
цитата:
Thus our most recent empirical study (Straub, Witt et al., 2003) regarding previous police intelligence on more than 400 violent sexual offenders and sexual murderers revealed that only a minute number of these offenders had previous police intelligence on file about them associated solely with the field of so-called sexual offences. An overwhelming majority of these offenders had extensive intelligence on file with the police (previous offences and accusations) that concerned other fields of crime covered by the Penal Code such as theft, robbery, and bodily injury. The 400 "violent sexual offenders" whom we studied (a representative selection was made for Germany) instead tended to be characterised by generally dissocial conduct in more than one area. No evidence of careers characterised by sexual crime was found. Instead, a fairly large number of offenders were found to have criminal careers characterised by previous commission of offences whose degree of seriousness continuously fluctuated between "harmless" and "very serious" and who, on the other hand, had committed offences in what appear to be very different areas of crime such as "property crime," "offences against personal freedom," and "offences against sexual self-determination."
Many fashionable theories (for example, that an exhibitionist would turn to rape or sexual murder during the course of his personal criminal career, or that an exhibitionist would be just as likely to commit a rape at any time) therefore lack any sort of empirical foundation. Thus the common characteristic of the multiple offenders we studied was their dissocial conduct and not their sexual conduct.
перевод:
Так, наше последнее по времени эмпирическое исследование полицейских досье на более чем 400 лиц, совершивших насильственные половые преступления и убийства на сексуальной почве, выявило, что лишь ничтожная их доля имела предшествующие проблемы с полицией, связанные исключительно с так называемыми половыми преступлениями (под "так называемыми" Баурманн подразумевает "ненасильственные половые преступления" - прим. перев.). Подавляющее большинство из этих лиц имели обширные полицейские досье (судимости и обвинения) по другим категориям преступлений, предусмотренным Уголовным кодексом, таким как кражи, грабежи и причинение телесных повреждений. Те 400 [с лишним] "насильственных половых преступников", которых мы исследовали (на основе общегерманской репрезентативной выборки), имели, скорее, общую склонность к антиобщественному поведению в разных сферах. Мы не обнаружили никаких признаков "карьер", характеризующихся сексуальными преступлениями. Вместо этого мы увидели, что довольно значительная часть преступников имела криминальные карьеры, характеризующиеся предшествующим совершением правонарушений, степень тяжести которых непрерывно колебалась от "мелких" до "весьма серьезных", и что, с другой стороны, "специализация" этих правонарушений, по-видимому, охватывала очень разные сферы, такие как "имущественные преступления", "преступления против свободы личности" и "преступления против сексуального самоопределения".
Многие модные теории (например что эксгибиционист в течение своей криминальной карьеры перейдет к изнасилованиям или убийствам или что эксгибиционист с равной вероятностью может совершить изнасилование в любой момент), следовательно, не имеют под собой никаких эмпирических оснований. Таким образом, общей характеристикой исследованных нами рецидивистов было их антиобщественное поведение, а не сексуальное поведение.
Впервые выложено здесь
Для ясности привожу здесь текст, предшествующий процитированному отрывку (вместе это будет весь параграф "STRUCTURE OF CHAPTER 13 OF THE PENAL CODE (OFFENCES AGAINST SEXUAL SELF-DETERMINATION)":
With regard to offences against sexual self-determination, the sub-classifications in the German Penal Code are now considered to be incorrect.
If the original German Penal Code of 1871 is compared with today's version, the following aspect is striking: In addition to the division of the Penal Code into two parts, in many cases the basic structure of the Special Part was preserved - and in particular the structure of Chapter 13 (at the time entitled "Serious and less serious offences against morality," today entitled "Offences against sexual self-determination") has been maintained. Only the old sections on adultery and on sexual intercourse between relatives were integrated into Chapter 12 (Crimes against personal status, marriage and the family) over the course of time which, in view of the current structure, is not really convincing with regard to Section 173 of the Penal Code (Sexual intercourse between relatives).
It should also be noted that, even though the attitude expressed by the heading changed significantly, the contents of the legal provisions to be found under this heading were not fully adapted to this new orientation. For the most part, the range of the normative provisions established at the time has continued to exist up to the present; however, they have been reformulated and their contents altered. Many sections such as Section 175 of the Penal Code, which imposed penalties on "unnatural illicit sexual practices between males or between human beings and animals" were eliminated completely, while others - such as "encouraging prostitution" (Section 180b of the Penal Code), "trafficking in human beings" (Sections 180b and 181 of the Penal Code) as well as "pimping" (Section 181a of the Penal Code) - were added.
If we consider the time when German criminal law came into being, it is not surprising that the organizational concepts which then formed the basis for Chapter 13 with regard to so-called "serious and less serious offences against morality" are no longer convincing.
The offences listed in Chapter 13 of the Penal Code do not comprise a homogenous offence group, but rather the following subcategories:
a. crimes of violence that involve sex (for example, Section 177 of the Penal Code - "Sexual coercion, rape," also Section 176a - "Severe sexual abuse of children" and Section 176b - "Sexual abuse leading to death")
b. acts that tend to represent violations of norms for sexual morality and decency (for example, Section 183 of the Penal Code - "Exhibitionist acts" and Section 183a of the Penal Code - "Public indecency" and some kinds of "Sexual abuse of children," when - for example - exhibitionist acts in front of children are penalised - Section 176 (2) 1 or Section 182 (2) - "Sexual abuse of juveniles" without explicit violent behaviour) as well as
c. offences that commercialise sexual acts, sometimes in the sense of present-day organised crime (for example, Section 180a of the Penal Code - "Encouraging prostitution," Sections 180b and 181 of the Penal Code - "Trafficking in human beings" and Section 181a of the Penal Code - "Pimping").
From a criminological point of view, the three subcategories listed above do not have much in common. Because these offences have been erroneously grouped together in the Penal Code, for a long time it was incorrectly assumed with almost absolute certainty, and today is still regarded as a matter of course, that the perpetrators of all the offences in Chapter 13 commit crimes for the same reasons and have the same motives, and it is also assumed that a criminal career proceeds from relatively harmless to relatively serious offences against sexual self-determination. For this reason, there has been a basic willingness to assume that any perpetrator covered by this chapter of the Penal Code is capable of committing the entire range of sexual offences. If sexual offences are viewed in this way, then every offence against sexual self-determination inevitably results in feelings of fear, horror, and dismay, because it is assumed that a potential sexual murderer is terrorising the public who - according to popular opinion - is at the beginning of his criminal career. Such views and assessments are criminologically incorrect and have led to undesirable developments in the fields of sexual and criminal law policy as well as prevention. [И далее см. начало этой страницы: "Thus our most recent empirical study ..."]
